An object followed by को is overtly case-marked and cannot control Hindi verbal agreement. What the predicate does instead depends on the rest of the clause. In an imperfective clause, an unmarked subject normally controls agreement. In a transitive perfective, the agent bears ने; if the object also bears को, neither core argument is eligible and the predicate takes masculine singular default.
Start with the whole clause, not the object alone
The phrase रीना को does not tell you the agreement pattern by itself. It may be a marked object, recipient, experiencer, or goal. First identify its grammatical role, then inspect the subject’s case and the predicate’s aspect.
| Structure | Eligible controller | Result |
|---|---|---|
| unmarked subject + को object + habitual/progressive | subject | subject agreement |
| ने subject + unmarked object + perfective | object | object agreement |
| ने subject + को object + perfective | none | masculine singular default |
सोनिया रोज़ अपनी बेटी को बुलाती है।
soniyā roz apnī beṭī ko bulātī hai.
Sonia calls her daughter over every day.
सोनिया ने अपनी बेटी को बुलाया।
soniyā ne apnī beṭī ko bulāyā.
Sonia called her daughter over.
In the habitual, unmarked feminine Sonia controls बुलाती है. In the perfective, सोनिया ने is blocked, and बेटी को is also blocked, so बुलाया is default. The object’s natural gender has not changed.
Controlled contrast: unmarked versus marked object
With some object types, case choice also changes specificity or discourse construal. The agreement contrast reveals the resulting structure.
फ़ोटोग्राफ़र ने एक लड़की देखी।
foṭogrāfar ne ek laṛkī dekhī.
The photographer saw a girl.
फ़ोटोग्राफ़र ने उस लड़की को देखा।
foṭogrāfar ne us laṛkī ko dekhā.
The photographer saw that girl.
Unmarked feminine एक लड़की controls देखी. Specific उस लड़की को cannot control, so the otherwise similar perfective has default देखा. This is not merely optional deletion of a preposition: को participates in differential object marking, often responding to animacy, specificity, definiteness, and lexical semantics.
For those semantic conditions, see differential object marking with को.
Number and honorificity remain invisible on the marked object
A singular, plural, masculine, feminine, or honorific को phrase is equally ineligible. When no other controller remains, all yield the same default masculine singular shape.
अध्यापिका ने उस छात्र को समझाया।
adhyāpikā ne us chātr ko samjhāyā.
The teacher explained it to that male student.
अध्यापिका ने उन छात्राओं को समझाया।
adhyāpikā ne un chātrāoṃ ko samjhāyā.
The teacher explained it to those female students.
अध्यापिका ने प्रधानाचार्या जी को समझाया।
adhyāpikā ne pradhānācāryā jī ko samjhāyā.
The teacher explained it to the principal. (respectful feminine reference)
The semantic recipients differ, but समझाया stays default. Respect does not allow a marked object to trigger plural honorific agreement.
Ditransitives: recipient को, theme agreement
With verbs such as देना and भेजना, the recipient normally takes को while an unmarked theme remains available for agreement in a perfective clause. The nearest noun is not automatically the controller.
नीलम ने रोहित को नई किताब दी।
nīlam ne rohit ko naī kitāb dī.
Neelam gave Rohit the new book.
नीलम ने बच्चों को नए खिलौने दिए।
nīlam ne baccoṃ ko nae khilaune die.
Neelam gave the children new toys.
Feminine किताब controls दी across recipient रोहित को. Masculine plural खिलौने controls दिए across बच्चों को. Linear distance therefore cannot determine agreement; constituency and case eligibility do.
If the theme itself is case-marked by a construction, neither को phrase controls and default agreement results. Learn each verb’s argument frame rather than treating the first phrase after the subject as “the object.”
Negation and focus preserve ineligibility
Neither नहीं nor focus particles remove को or promote its phrase into an agreement controller.
रवि ने अपनी बहन को नहीं जगाया।
ravi ne apnī bahan ko nahīṃ jagāyā.
Ravi did not wake his sister.
रवि ने अपनी बहन को ही जगाया, भाई को नहीं।
ravi ne apnī bahan ko hī jagāyā, bhāī ko nahīṃ.
Ravi woke only his sister, not his brother.
Feminine बहन is within a focused को phrase, but the verb remains default जगाया. Focus changes the set of alternatives; it does not change case licensing or agreement accessibility.
Pronoun objects already contain the को relation
Forms such as मुझे, तुम्हें, उसे, हमें, आपको, उन्हें function as oblique pronoun-plus-को combinations in object and recipient uses. They do not control perfective agreement.
किरण ने मुझे कल बुलाया था।
kiraṇ ne mujhe kal bulāyā thā.
Kiran had called me over yesterday.
मैंने उन्हें सारी जानकारी भेजी।
maĩne unheṃ sārī jānkārī bhejī.
I sent them all the information.
The first has no eligible object and uses default बुलाया था. In the second, pronoun recipient उन्हें is blocked, but unmarked feminine theme जानकारी controls भेजी.
Clause boundaries block semantic agreement
A matrix को-marked recipient cannot affect agreement inside a finite complement, and an embedded noun cannot control the matrix predicate merely because it supplies important content.
हमने प्रिया को बताया कि बैठक अगले हफ़्ते होगी।
hamne priyā ko batāyā ki baiṭhak agle hafte hogī.
We told Priya that the meeting would be next week.
Matrix बताया is default: हमने and प्रिया को are marked, while the कि clause is not a gender-number controller. Inside that clause, feminine बैठक controls होगी. The complementizer establishes a new agreement domain.
प्रबंधक ने कर्मचारियों को बताया कि कंपनी ने तारीख़ बदल दी है।
prabandhak ne karmacāriyoṃ ko batāyā ki kampanī ne tārīx badal dī hai.
The manager told the employees that the company had changed the date.
The matrix predicate is default बताया. The embedded feminine unmarked तारीख़ controls दी है after embedded कंपनी ने. Agreement must be calculated clause by clause.
Word order is not the licensing rule
Hindi can place focused or topical material in different positions, but moving a को phrase does not make it eligible.
उन दोनों लड़कियों को प्रशिक्षक ने पहले बुलाया।
un donoṃ laṛkiyoṃ ko praśikṣak ne pahle bulāyā.
The trainer called those two girls first.
Even clause-initial उन दोनों लड़कियों को cannot control; बुलाया stays default. The marked word order foregrounds the object, a topic treated in the word-order group. Agreement follows case and structure, not first position.
Common Mistakes
❌ सलमा ने उस महिला को देखी।
Incorrect — महिला bears को and cannot control; use default देखा.
✅ सलमा ने उस महिला को देखा।
salmā ne us mahilā ko dekhā.
Salma saw that woman.
❌ उसने सभी बच्चों को बुलाए।
Incorrect — plural बच्चों को is not an agreement controller.
✅ उसने सभी बच्चों को बुलाया।
usne sabhī baccoṃ ko bulāyā.
He/She called all the children over.
❌ रेखा ने मोहन को नई साड़ी दिया।
Incorrect — recipient मोहन को is blocked, but unmarked feminine theme साड़ी controls दी.
✅ रेखा ने मोहन को नई साड़ी दी।
rekhā ne mohan ko naī sāṛī dī.
Rekha gave Mohan a new sari.
❌ हमने सीमा बताया कि समय बदल गया है।
Incorrect — the person told requires recipient marker को.
✅ हमने सीमा को बताया कि समय बदल गया है।
hamne sīmā ko batāyā ki samay badal gayā hai.
We told Seema that the time had changed.
Key Takeaways
A को-marked object or recipient cannot control agreement. In imperfective clauses, an unmarked subject normally remains the controller; in a transitive perfective with ने, the result is default masculine singular unless another unmarked argument such as a theme is eligible. Negation, focus, fronting, plurality, and honorificity do not remove this restriction. Finite complements create separate agreement domains, so matrix and embedded predicates must be evaluated locally.
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Start learning Hindi →Related Topics
- Agreement with ergative subjectsA2 — Track Hindi agreement when a perfective transitive subject bears ने, distinguishing syntactic subjecthood from agreement control.
- Default masculine singular agreementA2 — Recognize masculine singular as Hindi’s fallback agreement when case marking or clause type leaves the predicate without an eligible controller.
- Differential object marking with कोB1 — Choose object को from animacy, specificity, lexical meaning, and discourse while preserving its effects on case and agreement.
- Animacy specificity and object markingB1 — Predict Hindi object marking from the interacting scales of humanness, animacy, specificity, individuation, and affectedness.
- Unmarked objects and agreementB1 — Recognize when an unmarked Hindi direct object controls a perfective transitive predicate and when it does not.
- को as differential object markerA2 — Understand how animacy, specificity, definiteness, affectedness, and verb meaning condition को on direct objects and reshape perfective agreement.