10.3.4 Sexual Orientation

As mentioned earlier, a person’s sexual orientation is their emotional, romantic, and/or erotic attraction toward other people or no people. People may identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, pansexual, asexual, heterosexual (straight), or other sexualities. Lesbian and gay people are attracted to people of the same gender or sex; bisexual people are attracted to people of their own gender and another gender; pansexual people experience attraction without regard to sex, gender identity or gender expression; asexual people do not experience sexual attraction or have little or no interest in sexual activity; heterosexual (or straight) people experience attraction to people of a different gender or sex. Other descriptive terms may not refer to a sexual attraction, but rather a romantic one. For example, an aromantic person does not experience romantic attraction; this is different from asexuality, which refers to a lack of sexual attraction. And some sexual orientations do not refer to gender in their description (PFLAG, 2021). It is important to acknowledge and understand that many of these orientations exist on on a spectrum, and there may be no specific term to describe how an individual feels.

Some of these terms have been associated in abbreviations such as LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer or questioning). (Queer is an umbrella term that some LGBTQ people use to describe themselves; questioning refers to people in a process of discovery regarding their gender identity or sexual orientation.) In some cases, people and organizations may add "I" to represent intersex people (described below), and "A" for asexual or aromantic people (or sometimes for "allies"), as well as one "P" to describe pansexual people and sometimes another "P" to describe polysexual people. Finally, some people and organizations add a plus sign (+) to represent other possible identities or orientations. Sexuality and gender terminology are constantly changing, and may mean different things to different people; they are not universal, and each individual defines them for themselves (UC Davis LGBTQIA Resource Center 2020).

For many years, people—including scientists—believed that sexual orientation was largely determined by socialization and familial experiences. However, research has consistently demonstrated that the family backgrounds and experiences are very similar among straight people and LGBTQ people (Bell, Weinberg, & Hammersmith, 1981; Ross & Arrindell, 1988).

Genetic and biological mechanisms have also been proposed, and the balance of research evidence suggests that sexual orientation has an underlying biological component. For instance, over the past 25 years, research has demonstrated gene-level contributions to sexual orientation (Bailey & Pillard, 1991; Hamer, Hu, Magnuson, Hu, & Pattatucci, 1993; Rodriguez-Larralde & Paradisi, 2009), with some researchers estimating that genes account for at least half of the variability seen in human sexual orientation (Pillard & Bailey, 1998). Other studies report differences in brain structure and function among those with different sexual orientations (Allen & Gorski, 1992; Byne et al., 2001; Hu et al., 2008; LeVay, 1991; Ponseti et al., 2006; Rahman & Wilson, 2003a; Swaab & Hofman, 1990), and even differences in basic body structure and function have been observed (Hall & Kimura, 1994; Lippa, 2003; Loehlin & McFadden, 2003; McFadden & Champlin, 2000; McFadden & Pasanen, 1998; Rahman & Wilson, 2003b). In aggregate, the data suggest that to a significant extent, sexual orientations are something with which we are born.

Misunderstandings About Sexual Orientation

Regardless of how sexual orientation is determined, research has made clear that sexual orientation is not a choice, but rather it is a relatively stable characteristic of a person that cannot be changed. Claims of effective conversion therapy have received wide criticism from the research community due to significant concerns with research design, recruitment of experimental participants, and interpretation of data. As such, there is no credible scientific evidence to suggest that individuals can change their sexual orientation (Jenkins, 2010).

Dr. Robert Spitzer, the author of one of the most widely-cited examples of conversion therapy, apologized to both the scientific community and the LGBTQ community for his mistakes, and he publically recanted his own paper in a public letter addressed to the editor of Archives of Sexual Behavior in the spring of 2012 (Carey, 2012). In this letter, Spitzer wrote,

I was considering writing something that would acknowledge that I now judge the major critiques of the study as largely correct. . . . I believe I owe the gay community an apology for my study making unproven claims of the efficacy of reparative therapy. I also apologize to any gay person who wasted time or energy undergoing some form of reparative therapy because they believed that I had proven that reparative therapy works with some “highly motivated” individuals. (Becker, 2012, pars. 2, 5)

Citing research that suggests not only that conversion therapy is ineffective, but also potentially harmful, legislative efforts to make such therapy illegal have either been enacted or are underway across the United States, and many professional organizations have issued statements against this practice (Human Rights Campaign, n.d.)