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  1. Grammar
  2. /Hausa Grammar
  3. /Relative Completive
  4. /Plain versus Relative Completive: Presupposition

Plain versus Relative Completive: Presupposition

The plain and relative completives can describe the same completed event while organizing information differently. Sun sayi mota neutrally asserts that they bought a car; Mota ce suka saya selects a car against alternatives and normally backgrounds the proposition that they bought something. This backgrounding is often described as presupposition, but the term must be used carefully: syntax licenses the relative form, and not every use of the paradigm carries the same pragmatic effect.

All unlabelled examples are (neutral Nigerian Standard Hausa). English tense labels are especially misleading here because both Hausa forms can be translated by a simple past, while stative predicates can yield present translations.

Two affirmative paradigms

The lexical verb gani “see” remains the same. The contrast appears in the agreeing subject–TAM marker.

SubjectPlain completiveRelative completiveVisible contrast
1st singularna ganina ganihidden in ordinary boko
2nd masculine singularka ganika ganihidden in ordinary boko
2nd feminine singularkin ganikika ganikin / kika
3rd masculine singularya ganiya ganihidden in ordinary boko
3rd feminine singularta ganita ganihidden in ordinary boko
1st pluralmun ganimuka ganimun / muka
2nd pluralkun ganikuka ganikun / kuka
3rd pluralsun ganisuka ganisun / suka
impersonalan ganiaka ganian / aka

Speech distinguishes the singular pairs through tone, but ordinary Nigerian Standard boko does not write that information. The spelling ya gani alone cannot tell you which paradigm is present; clause structure and discourse do.

Sun ga ɓarawon da yamma.

They saw the thief in the evening. (plain assertion)

Ɓarawon ne suka gani da yamma.

It was the thief that they saw in the evening. (focused object)

Both are past in this context because da yamma and the discourse locate the sighting. Plain sun versus relative suka changes the information structure, not the calendar time by itself.

What presupposition means in a focus construction

In Ɓarawon ne suka gani, the main new claim identifies the person seen as the thief. The remainder—roughly “they saw someone”—is treated as background that speaker and listener can accept for the purpose of the exchange. It may have been mentioned explicitly, or the listener may accommodate it on hearing the sentence.

A: Kun ga wani a bayan gida? B: Ɓarawo ne muka gani.

A: Did you see someone behind the house? B: It was a thief that we saw.

Ba kuɗi ba ne suka ɗauka; takardun ne suka ɗauka.

It was not money that they took; it was the documents that they took.

The alternatives—money, documents, or something else—are at issue. The taking event is backgrounded. This explains why the relative form is often called a presuppositional or focus perfective.

But do not reverse the explanation into “whenever an event is old information, use suka.” A neutral reply can repeat an already known event with plain sun, and an explicit fronted focus construction selects relative morphology even when the listener must accommodate its background.

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Presupposition describes the usual information packaging of a construction; it is not an independent particle-like meaning contributed by -ka.

Relative clauses restrict an already introduced domain

An identifying relative clause also places its proposition outside the main assertion:

Na karanta rahoton da suka aiko jiya.

I read the report that they sent yesterday.

The sentence’s main assertion is that the speaker read a particular report. Da suka aiko jiya helps identify it and normally treats the sending as usable background. Compare the independent assertion:

Sun aiko rahoton jiya.

They sent the report yesterday. (plain main-clause assertion)

The event can be real and known in either sentence. The difference is which proposition the grammar makes central. In the relative clause, the sending helps restrict rahoton; in the plain clause, sending the report is the assertion itself.

Marked relative clauses complicate the picture. Parenthetical additions, explicit uncertainty, and modal material can change what is taken for granted and can license general TAM forms in advanced usage. That is why “all clauses after da mechanically take the relative form” and “relative form always means shared knowledge” are both too strong.

Questions ask for a value, not always for a past event

A fronted constituent question normally uses the relative paradigm in its out-of-focus clause:

Me suka saya a kasuwa?

What did they buy at the market?

Wa kika kira da safe?

Whom did you call in the morning? (addressing one female)

These questions typically take the event frame for granted and request the missing value. Yet asking a question does not mean the speaker knows its answer, nor does it guarantee a philosophically inviolable presupposition. A cautious speaker can question or cancel the assumption in further discourse. The grammatical generalization is that the standard fronted wh-construction selects the relative TAM series.

By contrast, a polar question tests the whole proposition and can retain the plain form:

Sun sayi motar?

Did they buy the car? (polar question about the whole proposition)

Me suka saya?

What did they buy? (constituent question)

This contrast shows why “all questions take relative forms” is wrong. Question type matters.

Stative predicates expose the tense fallacy

Relative morphology can background or restrict an established state rather than a past event:

Su ne suka san amsar.

They are the ones who know the answer.

Ina neman wanda ya san hanyar zuwa asibiti.

I am looking for someone who knows the way to the hospital.

English uses present know. Relative suka/ya marks the focus or relative environment plus completive viewpoint; the stative predicate supplies the current-state interpretation. In a past narrative, the same ya san could be “who knew.”

Active predicates behave differently:

A wajen ƙofa ne Musa ya faɗi jiya.

It was by the door that Musa fell yesterday.

This is a bounded active event, explicitly placed yesterday. Do not infer English tense from the marker before considering aktionsart and time adverbials.

Narrative and temporal uses limit a single presupposition theory

The relative-completive form also advances historical narrative: muka shiga, muka zauna, muka fara magana. Those foreground events are often the newest part of the story, not backgrounded presuppositions. Likewise, forms such as lokacin da suka iso can identify a specific temporal boundary.

Muka shiga ɗakin, muka zauna, muka fara taro.

We entered the room, sat down, and began the meeting. (narrative foreground)

This use is explained fully on completive in narrative sequences. Its existence is crucial: the shared paradigm has several grammaticalized distributions. Presupposition illuminates relative, focus, and wh backgrounds, but it does not erase the distinct narrative or temporal functions.

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Diagnose the environment first: restrictive relative, explicit focus, fronted wh-question, temporal clause, or narrative chain. Only then describe the discourse effect.

Negation neutralizes the positive form contrast

Negative completive uses forms such as ban, bai, ba ta, ba mu, ba ku, ba su, ba a with final ba. A focused or relative construction can still organize assertion and background even though positive muka/suka/aka disappears.

Musa ne bai kawo kuɗin ba.

It was Musa who did not bring the money.

Na ware kayan da ba su sayar ba.

I set aside the goods that they did not sell.

The surrounding syntax preserves focus or modification. Do not invent ba suka kawo ba in an attempt to keep the positive relative marker visible.

Practice: identify what is at issue

For each sentence, decide whether the event proposition is the main neutral assertion or background to a selected value.

  1. Sun buɗe shagon da safe. Main assertion: opening the shop; plain sun.
  2. Da safe ne suka buɗe shagon. Selected value: the time; relative suka.
  3. Wane shago suka buɗe? Selected value: which shop; relative suka.
  4. Sun buɗe shagon? Whole proposition questioned; plain sun is possible.
  5. Shagon da suka buɗe yana kusa. The opening identifies the shop; relative suka.

Common Mistakes

1. Treating relative morphology as a synonym for past tense.

❌ Su ne suka san amsar.

Incorrect if forced to mean only ‘They were the ones who knew the answer.’

✅ Su ne suka san amsar.

They are the ones who know the answer.

2. Using the relative form merely because information was mentioned earlier.

❌ Suka aiko rahoton jiya.

Incorrect as an isolated neutral status report without a focus, relative, temporal, or narrative licensing context.

✅ Sun aiko rahoton jiya.

They sent the report yesterday.

3. Keeping the plain plural after explicit object focus.

❌ Rahoton ne sun aiko jiya.

Incorrect in the standard fronted focus construction.

✅ Rahoton ne suka aiko jiya.

It was the report that they sent yesterday.

4. Assuming every question has the same TAM requirement.

❌ Me sun saya?

Incorrect — a standard fronted constituent question requires relative suka, not plain sun.

✅ Me suka saya?

What did they buy?

5. Preserving positive suka under negation.

❌ Takardun ne ba suka kawo ba.

Incorrect standard negative-completive form.

✅ Takardun ne ba su kawo ba.

It was the documents that they did not bring.

Key Takeaways

  • Plain completive normally carries a neutral main assertion; relative completive appears in marked relative, focus, and fronted wh environments.
  • The relative construction often backgrounds a proposition and selects one value from alternatives, which motivates the presupposition analysis.
  • Presupposition is not a free morphological switch and does not explain every narrative or temporal occurrence.
  • Polar questions can keep the plain form; constituent questions normally select the relative form.
  • Active versus stative meaning and time context determine whether English uses past, present, or another tense.
  • Positive plain–relative contrasts are largely neutralized in the negative completive.

Related Topics

  • Plain and Relative TAM FormsA1 — Choose plain Hausa completive and continuative forms for neutral clauses, and relative forms for focus, constituent questions, and relative clauses.
  • Aspect Rather Than English TenseA1 — Interpret Hausa completive and continuative forms as viewpoints on events, using time words and predicate meaning instead of one-to-one English tense labels.
  • The Hausa Subject–TAM ComplexA1 — Understand the preverbal Hausa forms that express subject agreement together with tense, aspect, mood, and polarity.
  • Active and Stative Verb InterpretationsA1 — See how a verb's action or state meaning changes the time interpretation of Hausa completive and continuative constructions.
  • Completive in Narrative SequencesA2 — Build Hausa event chains with narrative completive forms while separating foreground storyline, neutral reporting, background description, and negation.
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